Ironically, the unique trend ushered in by advancing technology involves living a life of constantly upgrading and updating the public on our personal endeavors and lives. At the heart of all this is that which many of us have come to embrace: social networking sites. While time is clear to find a new replacement, the only thing that matters is the fact that, for the moment, social networking sites and their premise of using technology as a principal means to establishing connectedness and community have become a staple of contemporary life. Have you recently left a comment on a friend’s represent, written on somebody’s wall, updated your status, posted a video, or tweeted?

Over the last ten years, and even more so within the last five, the internet has served as the sole breeding grounds for the rise and evolution of such online giants, social networking sites like Myspace, Facebook, and Twitter. Although each has had its predecessors and copycats, there is no denying the impact and location of each across their respective demographics. The common denominator between the previously listed, nonetheless, has been their ability to tap into a certain audience, a generation that has found itself at the forefront of this social networking revolution. This paper will attempt to address both the observable and foreseeable effects of social network sites on adolescents from a psychological perspective, specifically with an interest of ultimately conception the impact of these sites on the quality of their personal, face-to-face relationships.

Social networking sites can be defined as web-based services “that allow individuals to 1) create a public or semi-public profile within a regulated system, 2) shriek a list of other users with whom they share a connection, and 3) view and traverse their list of connections and those made by others within the system” (Boyd, and Ellison 1). The way in which these things are accomplished varies from site to site. In examining the role and influence of sites like Myspace and Facebook in the particular culture of teenagers, it is first beneficial to classify these systems as social network sites, rather than social networking sites. The reason being is the key distinction between what is done in an existing network over the act of intentional networking. “Networking” is characterized by relationship initiation, often between strangers. Although these sites surely enable users to take advantage of traditional networking opportunities, adolescents are primarily communicating with people who are already in their existing and extended social network (Boyd, and Ellison 1).

With the aforementioned definition in mind, a better belief of this subject also requires of one to eliminate any presuppositions that function off the concept that all teenagers are engaged in these online communities. Contrary to approved opinion, a 2006 spy conducted by Pew Internet and American Life Project yielded surprising results that indicated only 55% of online teenagers had profiles on these social network sites (Lenhart, and Madden 3). As of 2008, however, Pew released new findings that indicated a considerable jump. By February of last year, 65% of teenagers reportedly old online social network sites (Goldsmith). Either way, both studies serve as a reminder against over generalizing adolescent involvement.

Regardless of the statistics that characterize and distinguish between involved or disconnected adolescents, however, there is no debate surrounding the strong presence of these social network sites in youth culture. Whether or not a given adolescent has a profile or openly rejects involvement is no longer the question; nearly every adolescent is aware and has an opinion of sites like Facebook and Myspace. Initial teenage obsession and infatuation with these sites may have very well begun to move, but their place and standing in the lives of teenagers is ever-present (boyd 2). Thus, the pressing question revolves around an issue of consequence that appears very probable in light of these social network infrastructures. Are teenagers slowly losing the ability to socially engage in personal relationships and face-to-face interaction as they more quickly adapt to technological gains that seemingly remove necessity for the former? Are the quality of relationships satirically weakening as a direct result of these social network sites?

Due to the fact that this topic and the growth of social network sites is relatively new, there has been little research that addresses the aforesaid, especially because there is no study or current research that could possibly notice into the future and reveal long-term effects. Because of this, answering these difficult questions requires of us to work systematically and somewhat off plausibility beyond what can currently be observed. For one, it is essential to review some of the activities that adolescents participate in when they join these social network sites. Secondly, we must hypothesize motives for their online actions; and lastly, our goal is to use the conclusions from the previous steps to formulate a more concrete opinion of the relational impact social network sites have and will have on teenagers.

To begin with, social network sites allow teenagers to publicize personal information. The foundational component to all social network sites is the profile page and the ability of users to add personal information or customize content that others will inevitably see. While more technologically adept teenagers create elaborate profile pages (a common occurrence on sites like Myspace), the simple-minded, less tech-savvy need no more than the click of a mouse or the keys of a keyboard to upload pictures, videos, or post comments. The key here is that social network sites enable teenagers to take once personal and private social interactions between friends into the public sphere for others to witness: friends are publicly articulated, profiles are publicly viewed, and comments are publicly visible (Boyd & Ellison 26).

This is where an integration of further numbers can be helpful. Statistics from a 2007 Pew peek showed that 91% of all teenagers who have Myspace, Facebook, or other social network profiles utilize the sites to stay in touch or make plans with friends they see frequently (Lenhart, and Madden). Of the same polled, 82% additionally used the sites to stay in touch with friends who were rarely seen in person. Conversely, only 49% actually ancient the site to actively seek out and accomplish new friends, the aspect of networking that was discussed earlier. These numbers, along with the fact that many of these profiles are only visible to established friends within the existing network, demonstrate that teenagers mainly spend social network sites as an addition to pre-existing social constructions and friendships. This provides us with great insight into some of the cognitive motivations behind many of their online activities on these sites.

Social network sites do more than just allow adolescents to publicize information; they help them to amplify their aspects of their personal lives. From a theory standpoint (Elkind’s imaginary audience), the common and often exaggerated view among developing teenagers that everyone is watching, scrutinizing, or envying one’s every go, relationship, or article of clothing is, in effect, made a greater reality through these online communities (Oda 251). Adolescence, in general, is understood as a time of social learning and developing. There is an elevated power in the social environment, from dress to language, and social network sites certainly foster a greater opportunity for adolescents to be aware of this.

Yes, social network sites may provide vexed teenagers with a state to feel accepted, and there are undeniable positives to be gained from the ease at which adolescents can access, communicate, or part information. However, in the context of youth culture, these sites typically serve as reinforcement to the social status and lives teenagers have already established at school. Perhaps without even recognizing the dilemma they have created, teenagers leave themselves more susceptible and vulnerable to being judged by peers (Synder, Carpenter, and Jo Slausen 11). It is no Wonder that so many teenagers spend mighty amounts of time attempting to perfect or embellish their projected image. While real life certainly has its boundaries, social network sites not only allow teens to put their best face forward, but almost leave them with no choice than to do so. As a result, it is clear that social network sites have become primary forces in terms of how adolescents construct identity and self-worth or image.

On the other hand, we cannot ignore the statistics that emphasize that the majority of teenagers using social network sites are connected with individuals that they have real-life contact or communication with. Moreover, teenagers choose who they ‘befriend’, ‘add to their network’, or ‘follow’, all with the option of deleting or ‘blocking’ certain individuals. Even in light of all the negativity that can naturally result from these publicly displayed profiles (i.e. cyber bullying), there is also a limitation to the extent of the public. Thankfully, sites like Myspace and Facebook allow users to customize privacy settings. 66% of teens on social network sites restrict access to information on their profile (Goldsmith). In fact, most teens that restrict access to their profiles provide an alternative perspective to the privacy issue: sharing their information with a specific set of people does not necessarily mean that the information is in the public domain (Denmead).

With all of these factors to consider, we are still left to wonder whether or not these social network sites actually add or detract from the quality of personal relationships and face-to-face communication. Are teenagers currently losing touch with reality, socially isolating themselves or at least headed in that direction? Or, is it possible that these social network sites are actually providing a legitimate avenue to strengthening relationships and socializing?

Seeing the possibility for both outcomes appears the most useful. To begin with, research cannot necessarily confirm whether or not social network cites isolate individuals or weaken the quality of personal, face-to-face interaction. While there have been novel studies that attempt to argue for either position, there is simply no concrete way to assess this because results are based on how study participants feel, rather than what their personal relationships actually look like. There are currently no known methods that could measure the quality of relationships beyond a survey approach.

As far as a practical response to those that argue social network sites actually promote isolation, the numbers regarding the individuals and relationships that actually compile the networks of most adolescents stand in direct dissimilarity to that theory. Basically, social network sites provide adolescents and users with the benefits of sharing and communicating with the people they want, almost whenever or from wherever they want (Denmead). In other words, social network sites can help individuals manufacture upon friendships and relationships that existed prior to these technological advancements. Furthermore, it is extremely well-liked for social network users to get plans through the site that dwelling a later meeting date for personal interaction (Goldsmith). Another point to consider deals with the fact that the majority of adolescents are still confronted with personal, face-to—face interaction on a daily basis during all the hours spent at school. Social network sites will not take that away.

On the other hand, it is equally important to inspect the potential for social network sites to weaken the quality of relationships for teenagers. If, for instance, each subsequent generation of adolescents were to devote more and more time to online activities on these social networking sites, it would appear to weaken the ability of adolescents to catch in meaningful, face-to-face interaction. Teenagers cannot use their lives in front of a computer. The ability to communicate in person and the development of social skills cannot be taught from in front of a screen.

Due to the possibility of the aforementioned, it is primarily the responsibility of parents to be aware of the amount of time that their children spend on these social network sites (Macgill 15). It is important to understand the potential for negative to result from social network activities; however, one cannot undermine the strengthening effects that sites like Myspace and Facebook can have on existing relationships. Beyond the simple publicity or projection of teenagers’ lives and updates, these online communities also allow friends and family to remain connected over physical boundaries and the restrictions of busy schedules. Social network sites may very well gain themselves outdated or old news in a matter of months or years, but as far as the numbers are concerned, the current rise in their usage does not point to that happening anytime soon. Because of this and the apparent amount of influence that these sites have on adolescents and youth culture, it is critical that, above all else, we earn ourselves aware of the sure, negative, and potential effects they might have on teenagers so that we can be proactive or respond accordingly.

Works Cited

Boyd, Dana, and Nicole B. Ellison. “Social Network Sites: Definition, History, and Scholarship.” (2007): 1-11. Web. 17 Nov 2009.

boyd, danah. “Why Youth (Heart) Social Network Sites: The Role of Networked Publics in Teenage Social Life.” MacArthur Foundation Series on Digital Learning – Youth, Identity, and Digital (2007): 1-26. Web. 17 Nov 2009.

Denmead, Ken. “Is Online Privacy a Generational Issue? ” Wired. 01 Oct 2009. Condè Nast, Web. 17 Nov 2009.

Lenhart, Amanda, and Mary Madden. “Social Networking Websites and Teens.” Pew Internet and American Life Project (2007): 1-15. Web. 18 Nov 2009.

Lenhart, Amanda, Mary Madden, and Paul Hitlin. “Teens and Parents Study.” Pew Internet and American Life Project, October-November. 2007.

Macgill, Alexandra. “Parent and Teen Internet Use.” Pew Internet and American Life Project (2007): 1-18. Web. 18 Nov 2009.

Goldsmith, Belinda. “Technology Doesn’t Isolate People – US Study.” Pew Internet and American Life Project, November 5, 2009. Web. 17 Nov 2009.

Oda, Alan. “David Elkind and the Crisis of Adolescence: Review, Critique, and Applications.” Journal of Psychology and Christianity 26.3 (2007): 251.Snyder, Johnny, Donald.

Carpenter, and Gayla Jo Slausen. “Myspace – A Social Networking Site and Social Contract Theory.” Information Systems Education Journal 5.2 (2007): 1-11. Web. 17 Nov 2009.

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